A Light Goes Out, Its Power Glows On

In Memoriam: Randolph Braham, 1922-2018

I first encountered Randolph Braham by accident. In my early thirties, I lived on West 97th Street in Manhattan, and on weekends I often went for walks down Broadway just to enjoy the sites and browse in the stores. Fall was the best time, when the low midday sun warmed my face and drew vivid shadows around the buildings, the street trees, and the people, and heightening the sense of being alive.

One Sunday, I wandered into West Side Judaica with a vague sense that they might have some books on Jewish history. A few weeks earlier, on a stroll with my grandmother through Central Park, I had learned that some thirty members of my family had been lost in the Holocaust. It was the first time she had spoken of those people and that horror. In the Judaica store, I walked over to the wall of books, located the history area, and scanned the titles. The Six Day War, biographies, the founding of Israel were all mixed together, arranged by some idiosyncratic scheme I could not decipher. I noticed an older woman in a plain skirt and a dark blouse sorting a pile of paperbacks. She looked up.

“Hungary,” I said, gesturing toward the shelves. “I am wondering whether you might have anything on the Holocaust in Hungary.”

I sensed a brief break in the chatter at the register behind me between the two men in white shirts, skull caps, and payot who had greeted me in friendly yet impersonal tones as I entered. I started to sweat and unzipped my coat and fleece.

‘What Sort of Catastrophe?’

“A few,” the woman said, without inflection. She led me to an uneven row of volumes maybe ten inches apart. As I scanned the books, my eyes settled quickly on a faded white book jacket, a little bent and torn at the top. The title on the binding read, The Hungarian Jewish Catastrophe. The choice of words intrigued me. Catastrophe. The term was large and dreadful, but also grounded and alive. It was vague, evasive even. ‘What sort of catastrophe?’ I thought wryly as I pulled the book from the shelf. On the title page I found the name of the editor, Randolph Braham. The contents told me it was a bibliography, and I flipped quickly through pages and pages filled with hundreds of sources. I vowed to read them all, then deflated at the price-sticker on the back. Though it was not a small proportion of the money I had left each month after rent and school-debt payments, I bought it anyway.

Something in me was not ready, however, and the book gathered dust in my bookcase. It was not until a few years later that the urge to know strengthened again and, with time before a lecture I was to see there, I found myself wandering into the library of the 92nd Street Y. On a shelf in the stacks, they Braham’s great work, The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. As I had learned from the jacket of the bibliography, Braham, a professor at the City University of New York’s Graduate Center, had survived the Holocaust in Hungary and had spent a lifetime chronicling its political and operational aspects in minute detail. I pulled down Volume 1, sat on a shelving stool, opened to the Preface, and so was introduced for real to Braham and his inimitable style – meticulous, erudite, direct and with a voice that was a striking combination of matter-of-factness and outrage. Here was a man so clear-minded, so steeped in the context, in the specifics, that he could distill the essentials of the Holocaust in Hungary in three sentences:

“Uninformed, unprepared, and basically disunited, Hungarian Jewry consequently became easy prey for the SS and their Hungarian accomplices after the occupation. The Final Solution program – the isolation, expropriation, ghettoization, concentration, and deportation of the Jews – was carried out at lightning speed. In late spring 1944, close to 440,000 Jews from all over Hungary, excepting Budapest, were deported to Auschwitz within less than two months.”

Fragments Set Into A Frame

Through Braham, I learned more about “from all over Hungary,” in particular, Nagykanizsa, from where treasured cousins of my grandmother’s, along with their children, had been sent to their deaths in Auschwitz. Through Braham, I delved deeply into “excepting Budapest,” and slowly pieced together our family survival story – by setting fragments of recollections from my grandmother, my father, my aunt, into the frame of Braham’s detailed and expansive history of how most of Budapest’s Jews survived. Through Braham, I learned about Labor Service, from which one great uncle returned, and another did not. Through Braham I learned about the complexity of the position of Hungary’s leaders toward the Jews – understanding finally how my grandfather, an officer in the Austro-Hungarian Army in World War I who spent six years in a Russian prisoner-of-war camp, was still running a wholesale denim business in downtown Pest in the spring of 1943, when he died suddenly of a brain hemorrhage. I learned about Hungary’s complicity, too. Through Braham, I learned about Eichmann’s return, ghettoization of the Jews, and the death marches west that ended for many in death at Mauthausen (which claimed a cousin’s parents when she was just a girl) or by the side of the road along the way. Through Braham, I came to understand the murderous environment my immediate family somehow survived: savage Arrow-Cross gangs, vicious and unbelievably destructive block-to-block fighting between the German and Russian armies, the chaos of the immediate aftermath of Soviet occupation.

Through Braham, I came to assemble and take hold of a large part of my identity, which, until I read and reflected on his great work, had resided, split and silenced, in darkness deep within me. This enabled me to write a memoir about my relationship with my Hungarian grandmother, and the development of my identity, Finding Maria. And yet, there was a problem. Toward the end of my book, I developed scenes where I was reading the Budapest sections of The Politics of Genocide. To do this, I included several extended quotes from Braham. As the book neared publication, my publisher, editor, and I discussed whether permission was needed from Braham to reprint the quotes. We decided that the right thing to do was to ask him for it.

I had no back-up plan for how I would revise this crucial part of the book if he refused, so it was with some trepidation that I found Braham’s email address and sent him a note with my request. He responded within a day with his permission and wishes for good luck on publication. He asked to see a copy of the book when it was published, and in the course of an email exchange soon after the book came out in the spring of 2017 – asking for his address, confirming he had received the book – he invited me to be his guest at lunch at the Graduate Center.

‘Maybe next time in Jerusalem!’

He greeted me at his office door, dressed in black, his dark eyes alight with passion. He led me to the cafeteria and over lunch we discussed how he had gone about his work, how my book had been received, the increasing difficulty he found in making his way into Manhattan, and his disappointment with the direction the government of Hungary had taken in recent years in regards to Hungary’s role in the Holocaust, and many other areas. He invited me to dine again someday. “Maybe next time in Jerusalem!” he said with a laugh. As we passed a wall that listed CUNY benefactors, he pointed proudly to his name and told me how he had donated the profits from his work to the school.

I was grateful to have met him. I was grateful for his encouragement. I remain grateful for his work, which has left the world a legacy of fine-grained truth through which we may reconcile, rework, and renew ourselves for many generations to come.

Photo credits:
(1) Randolph Braham, by The Associated Press
(2) Arrival of Hungarian Jews at Auschwitz-Birkenau, from
https://www.scrapbookpages.com/AuschwitzScrapbook/History/Articles/HungarianJews.html
(3) Shoes-on-the-Danube meorial of the murdered, by Bild von Schuhe am Donauufer, tripAdvisor.de

March 19, 1944

“March 19, 1944. I never forget that day,” my grandmother told me. She spoke in that particular Hungarian accent, with its often-compressed phrases and odd-sounding emphasis on early syllables. “NEVerforget” began with an exclamation and a shake of the head.

Game up

On that date, the German army occupied its ally Hungary, at the invitation of Hungary’s leaders. On that date the game was up. Hungary had been divided between more rabid anti-Semites and a ruling class of noblemen whose anti-Semitism (particularly for countryside, lower-class Jews, as opposed to the wealthy Jewish landowners or industrialists they knew personally) was counterbalanced by a quaint if inconsistent sense of honor. Humiliated by the hated Trianon treaty after World War I, under which Hungary lost two-thirds of its territory, as World War II dawned, Hungary dreamed of regaining past glory (or at least lands). It allied itself with Germany, and doubled its territory with spoils from German victories as rewards for major anti-Jewish laws passed between 1938 and 1941.

Germany pressed for more, for deportation. Yet the Hungarians put off such action, offering up further discriminatory measures. Wrote Joseph Goebbels in his diary in the spring of 1943, “The Jewish question is being solved least satisfactorily by the Hungarians.” His point is illustrated by the fact that as Goebbels wrote my Jewish grandfather was still running his fabric store in Budapest. My grandfather died on April 9th of that year of natural causes. (A cousin had stopped by the store and to share a joke. My grandfather was smoking a cigarette and laughing at the joke when he was struck by a fatal brain hemorrhage.)

‘We have allied ourselves with scoundrels’

In late April 1943, Hungary’s leader, Admiral Miklos Horthy (“We used to have a navy!” my grandmother would declare proudly) met with Hitler and demurred again in the face of Hitler’s demand for the Jews. By early 1944 the Hungarians were looking for a way out and sent peace feelers to the western powers. Worried about the commitment of its ally and the security of Hungary’s oil reserves, angered by the peace feelers and Hungary’s relative inaction on the Jews, Hitler demanded, and Horthy agreed to, occupation by Germany.

Many Hungarian leaders felt as Pal Taleki, the prime minister who committed suicide in 1941 after the invasion of Yugoslavia. His suicide note read in part: “We have become breakers of our word…. I have allowed the nation’s honor to be lost. The Yugoslav nation are our friends…. But now, out of cowardice, we have allied ourselves with scoundrels.”

And yet, many, including ordinary Hungarian citizens, welcomed the occupation. “A day in Yugoslavia was more dangerous than a year in Hungary,” observed Edmund Veesenmayer, Hitler’s plenipotentiary in Hungary.

Swift destruction

March 19, 1944. Adolph Eichmann, Nazi engineer of the Holocaust, arrived in Hungary with just a dozen officers and 200 to 300 Sonderkommando, and set to work at the destruction of Hungarian Jewry with newly appointed Hungarian Interior Ministry deputy for administration László Endre. (Eichmann once said of Endre that he “wanted to eat Jews with paprika.”) The Hungarian national police force, the Gendarmerie, was placed at Eichmann’s disposal. Commented one history, “the overwhelming majority of local, district, and county officials, including the civil servants and law enforcement officers, collaborated fully, and many quite enthusiastically.”

This date found my father in a Jesuit boarding school in Kalocsa in southern Hungary, donning a uniform in the Papal colors each morning before chapel, only vaguely aware of his Jewish origins under the thick layer of identity formed by his Catholic upbringing. Upon his arrival there in the fall of 1943, he registered with the local police, as traditionally required, writing “Israelite” where the form asked for his parents’ religion. In late March of 1944, his uncle came to return him to Budapest, and to inform him that he would have to wear a Jewish star.

By March 19, 1944, three million Polish Jews, a million Jews in Soviet Ukraine, and hundreds of thousands of Jews in other countries had been murdered. In light of this stark context, it still shocks one to think that into the early spring of 1944 the Hungarian Jewish community of some 800,000 remained largely intact.

And yet, in a matter of weeks, the Jews of Hungary were concentrated in their villages, towns, and small cities, and on May 15th deportation began in force. Each day, trains carried off some 12,000 men, women, and children. By early July, some 450,000 Hungarian Jews had been sent to Auschwitz. (Anticipating their arrival, the Germans had spent the spring overhauling and expanding the crematoria, unloading ramps, and staffing there.) A sizeable proportion of all the Jews murdered at Auschwitz were killed in just a matter of weeks in the late spring of 1944.

Hungary had been emptied of its Jews, except for Budapest, which held the largest remaining intact community in Nazi-occupied Europe.

Character in the balance

My grandmother obtained false papers, and through cunning, fearlessness, and luck, managed to bring herself and her children through the horror and the hell of both Nazi and Hungarian Nazi terror, and the building-to-building battle the Soviets and Germans fought for Budapest in the winter of 1944-45.

Looking back on this history, it is impossible not to see March 19, 1944 as a fulcrum. Before this date, the fate of the Jewish people, the character of the Hungarian nation tipped toward one direction. Upon this date, it balanced decisively, tragically, toward another.

Sources:

The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary, Randolph L. Braham (condensed edition)
The Holocaust in Hungary: Forty Years Later, Randolph L. Braham and Bela Vago, eds.
Hungary at War, Cecil Eby

Buy the book, Finding Maria (Bloomingdale Press – 2nd edition November 25, 2019), on Amazon